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Central American history term paper
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[...]
“Despite this generally gloomy context for historical figures and for subsequent historians,
many of our ideas about this period has slowly begun to change. This change has occurred not
only because of recent research but also, and perhaps of more importance, because of the
widespread discrediting of modern schemes of "development," of left-wing or right-wing parentage,
traceable in one form or another to the Liberal project for change of the 1870s and thereafter.
Central America was indeed changed, and dramatically so, by the coffee-based revolutions of the
middle to late nineteenth century but not the way that many on the Liberal side both before and
after the revolutions may have imagined. Central American state structures were solidified in
this period, even if not in the form of nationhood and nationalism hoped for by Liberals of the
time. Likewise, many policies critical for ultimate Liberal success with coffee culture were begun
by their Conservative enemies. Moreover, a substrata of social, demographic, and ethnic processes
continued during this Conservative interlude that the Liberals could, at best, influence, redirect,
or reclassify but hardly comprehend, much less control.”
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[...]
“Whatever one's interpretation, no one denies a series of facts which illustrate that the
relationship has indeed been difficult and fraught with error and misunderstanding on all
sides, facts which even Sandinista spokesmen freely admit ( Borge 1985; Hooker 1985; Cabezas
1985a). The unhappy reality is that, since the Sandinista revolution, large numbers of Miskito
have fled the country and many more have been involuntarily relocated internally. A great many
Miskito have joined military forces in outright rebellion against the Sandinista regime and
between these and the Nicaraguan army a state of war exists with all the human suffering which
that implies. Apart from military violence, outside humanitarian agencies have generally reported
little tangible evidence to support the extreme charges made by some of massive terror and genocide,
but under the turbulent conditions on the Atlantic coast numerous individual instances of harsh
governmental action in their dealings.”
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“As one might expect, one of the other states quickly introduced the subject of confederation
before the meetings began. This time it was Honduras that proposed broadening the scope of the
sessions to consider what Honduras felt was the "underlying principle of any Central American
conference." The other nations agreed with numerous provisos. Guatemala's government felt that
such a change in purpose would require time for study and urged a preliminary meeting for Guatemala
City early in 1918 to draw up an agenda and to determine dates, places, and other details. Then
El Salvador provoked an argument by suggesting that the United States and Mexico should be
represented, too, as in 1907. The president of Nicaragua agreed to send a delegate provided that
Panama should be invited as a prospective member of the Central American family. He further
declared that the sessions might be more tranquil if held in Washington or Panama. These conditions
became sore points immediately. The subservience of Nicaragua to the United States was a source
of much friction and irritation, and bringing Panama into the agenda could only exaggerate these
feelings. Honduras objected that Panama had never been part of the original Federal Republic, which
was true, and that it was not a sovereign state because Article 136 of its constitution permitted
United States intervention.”
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