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European history term paper
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[...]
“The First World War bore the traces of the old dynastic wars fought by the ruling classes to
fine tune the balance of power and verify their mutual positions. After a long pregnancy, the
nation-states had finally generated a conflict that befits their nature. It began with the
ritualistic ultimatums and declarations of war, but from the very first it revealed that the
peace treaty, if it ever existed (in the case of Germany it was never finalized), could simply
have ratified the order that in the meantime the winner had imposed on the defeated populations.
And so it happened. Almost every German military success created a new political situation. The
military machine of the Reich was also a constitutional and administrative machine that, as it
proceeded, continually transformed the political shape of Europe. The Soviet Union, Italy, the
minor powers of the German coalition and later, when the war turned in their favour, the Atlantic
democracies acted in the same way. The extraordinary result was that the two phases of the
conflict - the time of the German victories and the time of Allied victories - produced two
inverse orders that either overlapped each other or succeeded each other in a very short span
of time. The period between 1939 and the immediate post-war period appears like a synoptic table
in which two Europes lived side by side like Siamese twins, as if a historical Providence had
wished to verify their viability on the live political and social body of the continent. The
war was not only a long sequence of military events; it was also a political laboratory. Even
though the western democracies chose to argue their war objectives with a different rhetorical
discourse, the umbilical cord that united the "Siamese Europes" was the reaction to Versailles and
the need to correct its errors. From the beginning, therefore, victory had meaning only if it could
uproot one principle: the principle of nationality, which had made Europe ungovernable. But
preventing the principle of nationality from continuing to be the "code" of European order did
not mean ceasing to proclaim it when the national identity of the imperial power was at stake or
not taking it into account, with the necessary adaptations to realpolitik, in order to regulate
the relations between the smaller states. Paradoxically, national claims were all the more easily
satisfied and national disputes all the more easily resolved if the contenders were subject to the
rule of an "emperor" who maintained order, expeditiously unravelled the most controversial issues,
and occasionally protected the weak from the tyranny of the strong. In the 1920s and 1930s Stalin
had repeatedly changed the borders between the republics and the territories of the Soviet Union to
please one or another of the various nationalities, and in doing so he sometimes had taken advantage
of those changes to better impose his role as an arbiter. Now Hitler and Mussolini followed his
example.”
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[...]
“By the close of the nineteenth century mechanized industry had become the most powerful force
shaping western civilization. The machines outstripped the intention of their builders, economic
materialism overshadowed the age, and Emerson's prophetic warning that 'Things are in the saddle
and ride mankind' turned to sober truth. For machine production was dynamic and expansive; its
energies outgrew control, transformed the structure of European society, and invaded remoter
regions. The primary function of the machines was to pour out a flood of cheap, standardized
commodities, but their influence did not end when this primary function was fulfilled: the
multiplication of factories brought a rise in the urban proletariat until the armies of socialism
threatened the bourgeois state. The quenchless hunger of the iron slaves for more raw materials
and wider markets launched the industrial powers on a new campaign of colonial imperialism. The
progress of industrialism in the final decades of the nineteenth century bore a direct relation
to the growth of the proletariat and the pressure of imperialism and for all three developments
power-driven machinery provided the principal moving force. In peace or war industrial machinery
had become the indispensable instrument, the essential gauge of power. Area and population were
no longer the most significant indices of a nation's economic productivity or war potential.
Warfare itself was becoming industrialized, and a new ratio of strength had emerged that made
manpower insufficient in battle unless it was backed by the tireless energy and prodigious
output of a mechanized industry. In this new world of competing imperialisms no nation that
lacked a well developed factory system could long sustain the role of a great power. This new
dispensation by the god of the machine, this revision in the prerequisites of power, had not
been fully grasped by political or military observers when the nineteenth century closed. In
retrospect it becomes clear that three leading nations had far outrun their rivals in the race
to exploit the advantages of an industrial economy. Great Britain had been the 'workshop of the
world' for a hundred years, but by 1900 Germany and the United States had cut down the British
lead.”
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[...]
“The assassin and his co-conspirators were members of a Serbian nationalist group called ‘the Black Hand’.
In less than five weeks the alliance systems of the great powers had turned this local incident into a
European war. The origins of the First World War are a source of major historical controversy that has
refused to disappear over the years. The historiographical debate must, therefore, inform any discussion
about the events that ‘triggered’ a European and then a world war in 1914. The origins of the war can be
analysed in many different ways, but any attempt to explain its origins must take into account the
immediate causes of the war and the long-standing reasons for instability and international tension in
Europe. The list of general causes would include the colonial conflicts and the scramble for overseas
possessions; the building up of new alliances and the formation of two power blocs; the escalation of
the arms race; and the increasing conflicts in the Balkans. The illusions with which the First World
War began all stemmed from the belief that it would be a short, clinical and controllable war (‘it’ll
all be over by Christmas’). These hopes were soon to be disappointed.”
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